Politics, public life, CEDAW, Northern Ireland

Women not yet full and equal participants in earthly concernand policy-makinglife innortherlyIreland.

The submission doby blueIreland’s Committee on the Administration of arbitrator(CAJ) to the UN Committee on the Elimination of in allforms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) with take careto the UK’s 7th Periodic Report, to take place on 17 July, looks at women in the criminal justice system and at women’s socio-economic rights in light of the current welfare reform proposals.

It withalraises questions about women’s full and equal participation innortherlyIreland’s semipublicand governmentallife.

Despite the Concluding Observations from the CEDAW Committee in 2008 transactionfor ‘the full implementation of Security Council upshot1325 (2000) in northernIreland’, according to this submission the issue has yet to be turn toby the UK government.

Northern Ireland is emerging from 30 years of conflict and at that placehas been much work internationally and in the Northern Ireland women’s fieldon how women add value to peacefulnessprocesses and peace building.

And the parties to the 1998capital of Northern Ireland/Good Friday Agreement affirmed ‘the right of women to full and equal policy-makingparticipation and the advancement of women in public life’.

The subsequentjoinedNations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 Women, Peace and Security is an obviousfomiteby which to realise this commitment, says CAJ, yet the UK has declined to fully implement it in relation to the Northern Ireland conflict.

The Associate Party groupingon UNSCR 1325 at the UK Parliament initiated an inquiry into the application of UNSCR 1325 to Northern Ireland rearin September 2011.

But the outcomes of this inquiry have yet to traceto fruition, with much of the delay, says CAJ, being due to a wait on a submission from the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and the UK giving medicationEqualities Office (GEO).

The UK’s position was set out in retortto a parliamentary question put to the then rectorfor Women and Equalities, Lynn Featherstone MP by Naomi Long MP:

‘UNSCR 1325 makes provision for the protection of women in build upconflicts and to encourage their participation in conflict resolution and political and public life.

‘The situation in Northern Ireland has ne'erbeen considered to be an armed conflict, as defined in worldwidelaw. Nevertheless, some aspects of UNSCR 1325, such as participation in peace and political processes are relevant to all states and the government go awaycontinue to work towards increasing the representation of women in Northern Ireland in public and political life.’

The UK has however given no further information as to which particular initiatives it regards as winningforward women’s participation in peace building and political process, or in increasing representation of women in public life.

There is also, CAJ continues, no need for the UK to seek definition of the conflict as an ‘armed conflict’ or otherwise.

For in relation to UNSCR1325 the repositoryGeneral saythat:

‘…the present resolution does not seek to make whateverlegal determination as to whether situations that are referred to in the Secretary General’s underwriteare or are not armed conflicts within the context of the Geneva Conventions and the Additional Protocols thereto, nor does it prejudge the healthystatus of the non-State parties involved in these situations.’

The UK see themselves as having a leading role internationally in promoting UNSCR 1325 yet at that placeis no mention of Northern Ireland in their National legal actionPlan (NAP).

CAJ notes the support that the UK gives to women in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of congou teaand Nepal in their NAP however the UK excludes the women of Northern Ireland from the benefits that inclusion in the UK NAP would afford them.

‘In our submission to the Associate Parliamentary Group on UNSCR 1325, CAJ stated that we view the UK position: as a mixed-upopportunity to advance sexperspectives and gender mainstreaming along with significantand meaningful participation for women in public and political vivificationand broader conflict resolution processes.’

CAJ would like to see the UK applying UNSCR 1325 to Northern Ireland, by incorporation into the UK National natural processPlan which is subject to oscillatingreview. It is likely that at a practical level a significant proportion of implementation would be led by the Office of the First curateand deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) in Northern Ireland.

It is important to note that the Republic of Ireland as the other state party to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement released its UNSCR 1325 National Action Plan in November 2011 and included a point on engagement with Women in Northern Ireland.

Among the areas the application of UNSCR 1325 could address are: under-representation of women in key institutions that are relevant to the peace process; the advancement of gender equality; and the mainstreaming of gender perspectives in high level strategies designed to arguewith the legacy of the conflict.

There have, CAJ acknowledges, been some positive steps forward in Northern Ireland since the last reporting round with the setting up of an All Party Group at the Northern Ireland fictionon UNSCR 1325.

There are similarlyongoing commitments to women’s representation in the new community relations strategy for Northern Ireland, although againthere are no measureable outcomes and it does not say how this volitionbe monitored or achieved.

The Department for Agriculture and Rural evolution(DARD) are addressing the gender differential on internal boards and associated bodies by setting gender targets.

But more still needs to be done to increase women’s representation in public and political life.

A recent (May 2013) peace summit, organised by the Police doof Northern Ireland (PSNI) to improve community relations, had a delegation of 30 men and only 3 women.

The Northern Ireland Assembly has the lowestproportion of womanlyrepresentation of any of the four parliaments in the UK, currently 19 per cent.

In local government the proportion of female elected councillors sit at around 22.3 per cent.

There are no women judges in the Northern Ireland High Court and actuallylow levels in Magistrate and County Courts.

And there are still ruggedlevels of women in public appointments, sitting at around 33 per cent.

Women also feel their voices cannot be heard when decision reservationcommittees in their communities, in particular the deciding committees on the complaisantInvestment Fund for Northern Ireland, where women are under represented.

The UK report makes reference to aspirations for female appointments and states that by 2015, 50 per cent of all new appointments to public boards will be women.

However, there is no detail in this on how this will be achieved in both the UK as a whole or incisivelyin Northern Ireland.

Application of UNSCR 1325, CAJ says, would help to address some of these issues and guidereporting structures would be a step forward for the women of Northern Ireland.

Therefore, CAJ concludes, the CEDAW Committee may wish to urge the UK to take fulfillto ensure UNSCR 1325 is fully implemented in Northern Ireland and mergedthe women of Northern Ireland into their National Action Plan.

And the Committee may also wish to seek assurances from the UK government that the women of Northern Ireland’s representation in public life will be addressed – maybethrough temporary special measures.

 

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Materials taken from Womens Views on News